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Relations between traditional gender-role attitudes, personality traits, and preference for the stay-at-home mother role in Lebanon

Abstract

Why do some college-educated mothers of minor children prefer to stay at home to care for the family and the house, while others prefer to work outside the house in addition to caring for the children? The Social Role Theory suggests that mothers’ preference for the homemaking role is influenced by their endorsement of traditional gender-role attitudes. We propose that mothers’ personality traits are also associated with their preference for the homemaking role. The aim of this study is to test this proposition by examining the relations between mothers’ Big Five personality traits and their preference for being a stay-at-home mother, controlling for their endorsement of traditional gender-role attitudes. For this purpose, four hundred and nine college-educated mothers of minor children in Lebanon were recruited through social media platforms to fill an online survey about their personality traits, traditional gender-role attitudes, preference for the homemaking role, and demographics. Data was analyzed using hierarchical regression. It was found that preference to be a stay-at-home mother was positively predicted by mothers’ neuroticism, and negatively predicted by mothers’ openness to experience above and beyond their internalized traditional gender-role attitudes. The findings suggest that both personality and cultural factors should be considered when understanding mothers’ employment status preferences. They also call employers and policy makers to continue working on creating more mother-friendly work environments to retain women of all personalities in the workforce.

Peer Review reports

After transitioning to motherhood, many college-educated women choose to drop out from the workforce to dedicate their time to raising their children, while others choose to remain in their jobs and manage the responsibilities of childcare and work duties. A poll conducted by the Gallup research organization in 2019 showed that 50% of American women with children below 18 years old would rather stay at home than work outside, while 45% preferred to work outside home [1]. Based on the findings from this poll, it is natural to ask: What are the reasons behind mothers’ individual differences in their preference for the homemaking role?

One reason behind these differences is the mothers’ endorsement of traditional gender- role attitudes. Previous studies [2,3,4] showed that women (in general) who strongly endorsed traditional gender-role attitudes were less likely to be employed. Another reason could be the personality variations among mothers. Personalities are related to the extent to which mothers strive for achievement and how well they can handle stress [5], which are factors that could push them into or out of the workforce. However, no studies examined the relations between mothers’ personalities and their employment status preferences. The aim of this study is to fill this gap through examining the relations between mothers’ Big Five personality traits and their preference (or lack thereof) for the homemaking role above and beyond their endorsement of traditional gender-role attitudes. We examine these relations using data from mothers residing in Lebanon.

This study is important for theoretical and practical reasons. Theoretically, it contributes to the knowledge about the role of personality in shaping employment status preferences, and it emphasizes the importance of personality in predicting life outcomes. Practically, the results of the study can inform economists, social activists, policy makers, and employers who are interested in integrating more women into the workforce through improving the understanding of the factors that push women into or out of the workforce.

Previous studies about the experiences of working mothers

Many studies reported the challenges that working mothers endure. For example, mothers faced the struggle of balancing their dual roles as an employee and a caregiver [6,7,8,9,10]. Other working mothers expressed high levels of stress, drained time and energy resources, and little opportunity for self-care [11,12,13,14,15]. Some mothers encountered organizational inequities in terms of hiring, wages, and work conditions [16,17,18,19,20,21,22,23,24,25]. Other studies pointed to the role of cultural pressure in impeding mothers’ participation in the workforce [11, 26,27,28,29]. For example, a decreased support was found generally across 23 countries for the employment of women who have young children [30]. Moreover, it was found that the risk of divorce increases when women’s economic resources make them better equitable to assume the bread-winning role [31].

Although most of the existing studies focused on mothers’ reasons to drop out of the workforce, other studies reported factors that motivated mothers to stay in the workforce. For example, it was reported that some mothers simply do not see themselves as fitting to be homemakers, and that the stimulating work environment is necessary for their mental health [32]. Furthermore, it was found that working mothers reported greater levels of stress and wished to reduce their working hours; however, there were no statistically significant links between their double demands and psychological well-being [33]. Moreover, it was found that mothers appreciated the occupational rewards such as the interpersonal relationships at work or materialistic incentives [34].

All in all, past studies showed that mothers’ experiences in the workforce are central in determining their employment status preferences. It is also well-established that mothers’ endorsement of traditional gender-role attitudes is associated with their preference for being stay-at-home mothers as suggested by the Social Role theory.

Social role theory

The Social Role theory [35, 36] suggests that differences in social behavior between men and women are a product of the distribution of men and women into gender roles within their society. Specifically, women have been historically relegated to communal roles such as “caregiver” or “homemaker”, while men have been assigned agentic roles such as “breadwinner”. These divisions in labor perpetuate through socialization processes that encourage individuals to ascribe to the gender roles that support the divisions of labor in their society [36]. To explain, it is easier for individuals to follow gender role expectations than to disregard them because behavior that is inconsistent with gender roles often elicits negative sanctions and cultural disapproval, while behavior that meets societal expectations receives general support and positive reactions. For example, stay-at-home mothers were generally seen as warm, nurturing, emotional, dependent, and traditional, while working mothers were seen as competent and independent, but also cold and neglectful [37]. Furthermore, working mothers are often negatively depicted as selfish, less committed to their maternal role, and concerned with their own personal success over the well-being of their children [38, 39]. Additionally, it was found that there is little support for motherhood identities that violate traditional norms. To elaborate, it is expected from women in many cultures to engage in “intensive mothering”, which entails that mothers tremendously invest time, energy, and emotions to enrich their children’s lives [40], as well as foregoing any personal engagements, especially income-earning activities, that may hinder responding to their children’s needs [38]. Although some mothers redefined good mothering as ‘extensive mothering’, which entails that mothers be “in charge” of their children’s needs by delegating caregiving tasks [41,42,43], it was only individuals with more egalitarian views who responded favorably to the modern motherhood identities [44].

All in all, it is evident that whether mothers prefer to work or not is related to the extent they endorse traditional gender-role attitudes. In this study, it is proposed that mothers’ personality traits are associated with their employment status preferences as well.

Personality traits and career orientation

Personality traits are defined as enduring patterns of thoughts, feelings, and behaviors that are consistent across time and situations [45]. Although there exist several models to describe the variations in personality traits, the Big Five Model [5] is the most commonly used one [46]. The Big Five Model suggests that personality differences can be reduced to five dimensions, which are extraversion, agreeableness, conscientiousness, neuroticism, and openness to experience. Extraversion refers to the tendency to experience positive emotions and moods especially in stimulating environments. Agreeableness refers to the inclination to be trusting, cooperative, and humble. Conscientiousness represents the striving for achievement, order, and self-control. Neuroticism refers to the tendency of experiencing negative emotions intensely and frequently. Openness to Experience describes the tendency to be intellectual, creative, and autonomous.

There are no studies about the relations between mothers’ personality traits and whether they prefer to work or not. However, there are studies which reported relations between personality traits and a variety of career-related outcomes. For example, it was found that extraversion positively predicted career performance [47], and career progression among women of political careers [48], Additionally, it was found that extraversion and conscientiousness positively predicted career success, while neuroticism was a negative predictor of career success [49, 50]. Furthermore, it was found that extraversion, conscientiousness, (low) neuroticism, and openness to experience were positively associated with career self-efficacy [48, 51, 52]. Additionally, it was found that conscientiousness and (low) neuroticism were positively associated with occupational prestige [53]. Moreover, a review paper detailed the relations between personality traits and several variables related to career development, such as career aspirations, vocational identity formation, and career success [54]. In general, extraversion, conscientiousness, and openness to experience were positively related to career development, while neuroticism was negatively related to it.

Present study

The Social Role theory proposes that endorsement of traditional gender-role attitudes is central to the employment status preferences of women. Also, past literature showed that personality traits are related to the extent that individuals are career-oriented. Building on these inferences, the overarching goal of the present study is to investigate the extent to which the Big Five personality traits of mothers predict their employment status preferences - specifically their preference to be a homemaker - above and beyond their adoption of traditional gender-role attitudes.

The hypotheses that were formulated about the relations between personality traits and preference for the stay-at-home mother role were based on the properties of each personality trait, in addition to the findings of the past literature about relations between personality traits and career outcomes. For example, it is well-established that extraverted people enjoy the rewards of stimulating work environments; conscientious people place high value on achievement and success; neurotic people are less capable of remaining calm under stressful situations; and people high on openness to experience strive for adventure and intellectual stimulation. It is also evident that people high on extraversion, conscientiousness, and openness to experience, but low on neuroticism are more interested in career development. Accordingly, it is hypothesized that:

H1

There will be a negative relation between mothers’ extraversion and their preference for being a stay-at-home mother.

H2

There will be no statistically significant relation between mothers’ agreeableness and their preference for being a stay-at-home mother.

H3

There will be a negative relation between mothers’ conscientiousness and their preference for being a stay-at-home mother.

H4

There will be a positive relation between mothers’ neuroticism and their preference for being a stay-at-home mother.

H5

There will be a negative relation between mothers’ openness to experience and their preference for being a stay-at-home mother.

Method

Participants

Data was collected from 409 mothers who met the following inclusion criteria: (1) residing in Lebanon, (2) have at least one child under 18 years old who is residing with them, and (3) hold at least a Bachelor’s degree. Mothers who did not meet the three inclusion criteria were not eligible to participate in the study. The age of the mothers in the sample ranged between 19 and 55 years old (M = 35.86, SD = 6.94). Most of the mothers were married (83.6%). Approximately half of them were holding a Master’s degree or equivalent (47.7%), 44.7% were holding a Bachelor’s degree or equivalent, and 3.4% were holding a PhD degree or equivalent. On average, they had two children (M = 2.15, SD = 0.98), and the mean age of their children was around 7 years (M = 7.17, SD = 5.29). More than half of the mothers reported that they have a full-time job (57%), with the minority being stay-at-home mothers (14.2%). Around half of the mothers reported that their household’s income covers their needs but with no chance of saving from it (56.7%), while 24% of mothers reported a relatively good household income that allows them to save, and 12.7% reported that their income does not cover their needs. Participants were recruited to fill an online survey using convenience and snowball sampling methods.

Instruments

A full list of the instruments’ items can be accessed using this link: https://osf.io/pk7zq/?view_only=58d58a887aa14c709b89b2b218923864.

Personality traits

Personality traits were measured using the Big Five Inventory (BFI) [55]. These items measure participants’ extraversion (e.g., “I am talkative”), agreeableness (e.g., “I am helpful and unselfish with others”), conscientiousness (e.g., “I persevere until the task is finished”), neuroticism (e.g., “I remain calm in tense situations” reverse-coded), and openness to experience (e.g., “I like to reflect, play with ideas”). Participants rated themselves using a 5-point scale (1 = Strongly Disagree, 5 = Strongly Agree). Higher scores indicated higher extraversion, agreeableness, conscientiousness, neuroticism, and openness to experience. The Cronbach’s alpha indices for the five subscales were as follows: Extraversion (α = 0.45), Agreeableness (α = 0.75), Conscientiousness (α = 0.75), Neuroticism (α = 0.86), Openness to Experience (α = 0.90). All subscales showed good internal consistency except for Extraversion.

Traditional Gender-Role attitudes

The Arab Adolescents Gender Roles Attitude Scale (AAGRAS) is a 12-item scale that measures endorsement of gender role attitudes [56]. There are six items in the scale that measure endorsement of traditional gender-role attitudes (e.g., “A woman’s place is the home”). Another six items measure endorsement of egalitarian gender-role attitudes (e.g., “Men should participate in household chores”). Mothers rated these items using a 4-point Likert scale ranging from 1 = Strongly Disagree to 4 = Strongly Agree. To obtain an average score for mothers’ endorsement of traditional gender-role attitudes, the six items of the egalitarian gender-role attitudes subscale were reverse-coded. Higher average scores indicated higher endorsement of traditional gender-role attitudes. The scale had excellent internal consistency (Cronbach’s alpha α = 0.90). The scale was previously validated using samples of adolescents. There is no information about its validity in samples of adults, yet it was chosen for this study because of its validity in Arab samples [55].

Preference for the Stay-at-Home mother role

Mothers were presented with a definition of stay-at-home and working mothers, then asked to indicate their agreement with the following statement: “If I am given the choice, I currently prefer to be a stay-at-home mother rather than a working mother” using a 7-point scale (1 = Strongly Disagree, 7 = Strongly Agree). The statement was adopted from a question that was presented in the Gallup research poll [1].

Demographic information

Mothers were asked to indicate their specific age, nationality, marital status, highest educational level (1 = Bachelor’s or equivalent, 2 = Master’s or equivalent, 3 = PhD or equivalent), number of children, age of children, household income status (1 = income does not cover basic needs, and cannot save from it, 2 = income covers basic needs, but cannot save from it, 3 = income covers basic needs, and can save from it), and whether they are currently a stay-at-home mother (0 = I am currently a working mother, 1 = I am currently a stay-at-home mother).

Procedure

The study was launched after securing the approval of the Institutional Review Board of the authors’ university.

Participants were recruited to take part in a non-experimental study. Recruitment flyers were posted on social media platforms such as Facebook, Instagram, and WhatsApp groups. The flyers directed participants to the link of the study. After clicking on the link, participants were presented with an informed consent form, which mentioned that participation in the study was voluntary and that responses will be anonymous and confidential. After providing informed consent through clicking “I agree” at the end of the informed consent form, participants were asked to rate their personality traits, traditional gender-role attitudes, and preference for the homemaking role using the relevant scales. They were also asked questions about their demographics. The order of the scales was counterbalanced to avoid order effects. After finishing the survey, the participants were presented with a “Thank You” note and encouraged to forward the survey’s link to eligible participants. Participants were not offered any compensation for their participation.

The online survey was set up using LimeSurvey, and all the participants took it in the English language. It took them around 20 min to complete it.

Analytic plan

A hierarchical regression model was run to assess the unique contribution of demographic variables, traditional gender-role attitudes, and personality traits to the variance in mothers’ preference of the homemaking role [57, 58]. The first block included demographic variables. The second block included endorsement of traditional gender-role attitudes. The third block included personality variables. R2 and ΔR2 were reported for each block. Regression coefficients were considered statistically significant if their p-values were less than the conventional cut-off level (α = 0.05, two-tailed). The exact p-values were reported.

The analysis was done using SPSS version 28. Data can be accessed using this link: https://osf.io/pk7zq/?view_only=58d58a887aa14c709b89b2b218923864.

Results

Table 1 shows the means, standard deviations, and ranges of the scores on the variables of the study.

Table 1 Scale descriptives

Preliminary analyses were done before running a hierarchical regression model to ensure that the assumptions of linearity, homoscedasticity, and normality of errors were met. The results of these analyses can be accessed using this link: https://osf.io/pk7zq/?view_only=58d58a887aa14c709b89b2b218923864.

Table 2 shows the results of the hierarchical regressionFootnote 1. The six demographic variables were entered in the first block, and together they explained 36.8% of the variance in mothers’ preference for the homemaking role. Then, mothers’ endorsement of traditional gender-role attitudes was entered in the second block, and this addition increased the percentage of variance explained in the outcome variable to R2 = 46.1% (ΔR2 = 9.3%). Finally, agreeableness, conscientiousness, neuroticism, and openness to experience were entered in the third block. Extraversion was not entered due to its low reliability (Cronbach’s alpha = 0.45)Footnote 2. An additional 4.8% of variance in the outcome variable was explained by the four personality traits, which increased the total R2 to 50.9%.

Table 2 Results of hierarchical regression analysis

Among the demographic variables, education and mothers’ current employment status were statistically significant predictors of mother’s homemaking role preference. The higher the mother’s education was, the less she preferred the homemaking role (β = − 0.138, p =.003). Similarly, mothers who were currently working were less likely to prefer the stay-at-home mother role (β = − 0.337, p <.001).

Regarding mothers’ endorsement of traditional gender-role attitudes, the results showed that mothers who valued traditional gender-roles were more likely to prefer to be stay-at-home mothers (β = 0.377, p <.001).

With respect to mothers’ personality traits, the results showed that mothers’ agreeableness was not statistically significantly associated with the outcome. This finding was consistent with our second hypothesis. Additionally, there was no statistically significant associations between conscientiousness and the outcome. This finding is inconsistent with the third hypotheses. As for the fourth and fifth hypotheses, they were supported. Neuroticism positively predicted mothers’ preference for the traditional homemaking role (β = 0.100, p =.025), while openness to experience negatively predicted that preference (β = − 0.128, p =.008).

Discussion

Why do some women prefer to undertake the traditional homemaking role after transitioning to motherhood? Existing literature on the predictors of women’s employment status preferences show that they are related to their level of endorsement of traditional gender-role attitudes. [2].It was proposed in this study that mothers’ personality traits are also linked to their preference for the stay-a-home rather than the working mother role.

It was found that mothers’ endorsement of traditional gender-role attitudes was positively related to their preference for the homemaking role. This finding is consistent with previous literature which showed that women who less endorse traditional gender-roles were more likely to be employed [4]. This finding also corroborates the Social Role theory [36] because it reveals that the attitudes that these mothers internalized through socialization processes about their role as caregivers is consistent with their preference for being mothers who stay at home to care for the children.

Regarding personality traits, it was found that neuroticism and openness to experience were related to mothers’ preference for the homemaking role above and beyond the extent they internalized traditional gender-role attitudes. Mothers who were high on neuroticism were more likely to prefer the stay-at-home mother role. This finding is consistent with past studies which showed negative links between neuroticism and career development [54]. This finding could be due to the lower ability of neurotic mothers to handle the challenges that working mothers report such as drained energy, stress, and limited support in the work environment [7, 20]. People who are high on neuroticism by nature are less able to stay calm under pressure, less able to handle stress well, and are more vulnerable to develop mental health issues. With respect to openness to experience, it was found that the higher mothers scored on it, the lower was their preference for the homemaking role. People who are high on openness to experience by nature enjoy creativity and reflecting on complex ideas. Accordingly, it could be that mothers who are high on openness to experience do not prefer the homemaking role because the work environment provides them with more chances for engaging in cognitively simulating activities than the home environment. It is worth noting that our finding is consistent with past studies that reported positive relations between openness to experience and career orientation [5960].

As for the demographic variables, mothers’ level of education was a negative predictor of preferring to be a stay-at-home mother. The higher the degree the mothers held, the less likely they preferred the homemaking role. This is an unsurprising finding because after investing several years in attaining education, entering the workforce may be a means for these mothers to apply what was studied, deepen their knowledge base, and reap benefits from working such as financial rewards or professional fulfillment. Moreover, mothers who were currently working were less likely to prefer the homemaking role. This is an interesting finding because it could mean that the benefits that mothers in this study gain from the workplace outweigh the challenges that they face in it; hence, they do not prefer to be stay-at-home mothers.

It is important to note that mothers’ endorsement of traditional gender-role attitudes was a stronger predictor of their homemaking role preference in our study than any of their personality traits. This is an interesting finding because it shows that what women internalize through socialization processes about their roles in the family and society were more important in predicting their employment status preference than their personality characteristics.

Theoretical and practical implications

This is the first study that examined the relations between mothers’ personality traits and preference for being a stay-at-home mother. The findings support our proposition that mothers’ preference for the homemaking role could be partially attributed to their personality traits. They also corroborate the Social Role theory because endorsement of traditional gender-role attitudes was a stronger predictor of mothers’ preference to be a stay-at-home mother. Furthermore, our findings call for approaching the topic of mothers’ employment status preferences holistically, taking into consideration individual-level and cultural-level factors behind their preferences. This holistic approach is consistent with theories such as Bronfenbrenner’s Ecological Systems Theory [61], which proposes that multiple social environments influence human development such as the microsystem (e.g., personality characteristics), the ecosystem (e.g., work environment), and the macrosystem (e.g., culture). Although the theory is frequently discussed in the context of human development, its conceptualization of the multiple environments of social influence could be built on to comprehensively understand the reasons behind mothers’ employment status preferences.

On a practical level, the findings are informative to policy makers, employers, and social activists who are interested in integrating more women into the workforce. They reveal that mothers’ neuroticism is a factor that impedes them from wanting to be part of the workforce. Accordingly, employers should start or continue to implement policies and practices that support working mothers and promote their well-being such as flexible working hours and extended parental leaves. Also, mothers should be encouraged to undergo therapy sessions or programs that focus on lowering their neuroticism level, especially that there is evidence that small changes in personality traits can be achieved through these programs [62].

Limitations and future directions

There is a number of limitations that should be taken into account when interpreting the findings of this study. First, the association between extraversion and mothers’ preference for the homemaking role was not examined because of the low internal reliability of Extraversion subscale. It could be that the subscales of the Big Five Inventory did not capture the personality structure of the Lebanese people well. To overcome this limitation, the study should be replicated using personality inventories that were validated on Lebanese samples [63]. Second, only one item was used to measure mothers’ homemaking role preference. This item was previously used in a Gallup research poll [1]. Although the use of single-item measures is common in some areas of psychological research [64], it could be problematic because inaccurate responses from the participants to the single item can inflate the amount of error in the data. It is preferable to use multiple items in future studies because they are more resistant to errors. Third, the sample in this study is not very representative of mothers in Lebanon. The vast majority of the participants belonged to the middle class, and all of them were proficient in English. Although English is widely used in Lebanon, especially among college-educated people, our sample did not include college-educated mothers who are not knowledgeable of English. Therefore, future studies should be conducted in English and Arabic languages to ensure a wider representation of mothers in Lebanon. Fourth, the study was based on the assumption that mothers identify as either “stay-at-home mothers” or “working mothers”, which ignores a considerable segment of mothers who choose roles that do not neatly fit this dichotomy. For example, some mothers choose to pursue roles beyond childcare but not employment such as volunteering for humanitarian organizations or schools. Future studies should examine the experiences of those mothers and the predictors of their preferences through qualitative and quantitative designs. Fifth, the cross-sectional design of the study limits the amount of knowledge about the relations between mothers’ personality traits and employment status preferences. Longitudinal designs, if used in future studies, will permit the examination of the bidirectional relations between personality traits and employment status preferences, in addition to the development of mothers’ employment preferences across the different life stages. Sixth, it is important to note that personality traits do not represent the entirety of human personality. To gain a more comprehensive understanding of the individual-level reasons behind mothers’ employment status preferences, future studies should examine other personality characteristics such as self-efficacy, needs, and goals.

Conclusion

In conclusion, whether women prefer to be stay-at-home mothers or working mothers after transitioning to motherhood is related to how much they internalize traditional gender-role attitudes, and to their levels of neuroticism and openness to experience as well. Mothers with higher levels of neuroticism and lower levels of openness to experience are more likely to prefer the homemaking role above and beyond their endorsement of traditional gender-role attitudes.

All participants of the study provided informed consent before taking part in the study.

Data availability

Data from this study is posted on Open Science Framework and can be accessed using this link: https://osf.io/pk7zq/?view_only=58d58a887aa14c709b89b2b218923864

Notes

  1. Based on reviewer’s comment, we ran a hierarchical regression that included the variables that had correlations with the outcome variable above r =.10 only. Neuroticism emerged as a positive predictor of preference for the homemaking role. Full results are on this OSF page https://osf.io/pk7zq/?view_only=58d58a887aa14c709b89b2b218923864.

  2. We ran a model that included extraversion, and the findings were the same. Results of this model are found on this OSF page https://osf.io/pk7zq/?view_only=58d58a887aa14c709b89b2b218923864.

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The authors confirm contribution to the paper as follows: study conception and design M.A.; data collection: L.E.; analysis and interpretation of results: M.A. & L.E.; draft manuscript preparation: M.A. & L.E. Both authors reviewed the results and approved the final version of the manuscript.

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Helou, L.E., Ayoub, M. Relations between traditional gender-role attitudes, personality traits, and preference for the stay-at-home mother role in Lebanon. BMC Psychol 13, 495 (2025). https://doiorg.publicaciones.saludcastillayleon.es/10.1186/s40359-025-02832-8

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